La Posición Marxista Acerca del Terrorismo Individual (León Trotsky)

LA POSICIÓN MARXISTA ACERCA DEL TERRORISMO INDIVIDUAL

[Este artículo apareció originalmente en la edición de noviembre de 1911 de Der Kampf (Nuestra Lucha), órgano teórico de la socialdemocracia austríaca, con el título “Acerca del terrorismo”. Trotsky lo escribió a pedido de Federico Adler, director de Der Kampf, como respuesta a las actitudes terroristas que ciertos elementos difundían en la clase obrera austríaca. La traducción del ruso al inglés fue realizada por Marilyn Vogt y George Saunders.]

Nuestros enemigos de clase tienen la costumbre de quejarse de nuestro terrorismo. No resulta claro que quiere decir. Les gustaría ponerles el rótulo de terrorismo a todas las acciones del proletariado dirigidas contra los intereses del enemigode clase. Para ellos, el método principal del terrorismo es la huelga. La amenaza de una huelga, la organización de piquetes de huelga, el boicot económico aun patrón superexplotador, el boicot moral a un traidor de nuestras propias filas: todo esto y mucho más es calificado de terrorismo. Si por el terrorismo se entiende cualquier que atemorice o dañe al enemigo, entonces la lucha de clases no es sino terrorismo. Y lo único que resta considerar es si los políticos burgueses tienen derecho a proclamar su indignación moral acerca del terrorismo proletario, cuando todo su aparato estatal, con sus leyes, policía y ejército no es sino un instrumento del terror capitalista.

Sin embargo, debemos señalar que cuando nos echan en cara el terrorismo, tratan, aunque no siempre en forma consciente, de darle a esta palabra un sentido más estricto, menos indirecto. Por ejemplo, la destrucción de las máquinas por parte de los trabajadores es terrorismo en este sentido estricto del término. La muerte de un patrón, la amenaza de incendiar una fábrica o matar a su dueño, el atentado a mano armada contra un ministro: todos éstos son actos terroristas en el sentido estricto del término. No obstante, cualquiera que conozca la verdadera naturaleza de la socialdemocracia internacional debe saber que ésta se ha opuesto de la manera más irreconciliable a esta clase de terrorismo.

¿Porqué? El “terror” mediante la amenaza o la acción huelguística es patrimonio de los obreros industriales o agrícolas. La significación social de una huelga depende, en primer término, del tamaño de la empresa o rama de la industria afectada; en segundo lugar, del grado de organización, disciplina y disposición para la acción de los obreros que participan. Esto es cierto tanto en una huelga económica como en una política. Sigue siendo el método de lucha que surge directamente del lugar que en la sociedad moderna ocupa el proletariado en el proceso de producción.

Para desarrollarse, el sistema capitalista requiera una superestructura parlamentaria. Pero al no poder confinar al proletariado en un ghuetto político, debe permitir tarde o temprano, su participación en el parlamento. En las elecciones se expresa el carácter masivo del proletariado y su nivel de desarrollo político, cualidades determinadas por su rol social, sobre todo por su rol en la producción.

Al igual que en una huelga, en las elecciones el método, objetivos y resultado de la lucha dependen del rol social y la fuerza del proletariado como clase.

Sólo los obreros pueden hacer huelga. Los artesanos arruinados por la fábrica, los campesinos cuya agua envenena la fábrica, los lumpenproletarios en busca de un buen botín, pueden destruir las máquinas, incendiar la fábrica o asesinar al dueño.

Sólo la clase obrera consciente y organizada puede enviar una fuerte representación al parlamento para cuidar de los intereses proletarios. Sin embargo, para asesinar a un funcionario del gobierno no es necesario contar con las masas organizadas. La receta para fabricar explosivos es accesible a todo el mundo, y cualquiera puede conseguir una pistola.

En el primer caso hay una lucha social, cuyos métodos y vías se desprenden de la naturaleza del orden social imperante; en el segundo, una reacción puramente mecánica que es idéntica en todo el mundo, desde la China hasta Francia: asesinatos, explosiones, etcétera, pero totalmente inocua en lo que hace al sistema social.

Una huelga, incluso una modesta, tiene consecuencias sociales: fortalecimiento de la confianza en sí mismos de los obreros, crecimiento del sindicato, y, con no poca frecuencia, un mejoramiento en la tecnología productiva. El asesinato del dueño de la fábrica provoca efectos policíacos solamente, o un cambio de propietario desprovisto de toda significación social.

Que un atentado terrorista, incluso uno “exitoso”, cree la confusión en la clase dominante depende de la situación política concreta. Sea como fuere, la confusión tendrá corta vida; el estado capitalista no se basa en ministros de estado y no queda eliminado con la desaparición de aquéllos. Las clases a las que sirve siempre encontrarán personal de reemplazo; el mecanismo permanece intacto y en funcionamiento.

Pero el desorden que produce el atentado terrorista en las filas de la clase obrera es mucho más profundo. Si para alcanzar los objetivos basta armarse con una pistola, ¿para qué sirve esforzarse en la lucha de clases? Si una medida de pólvora y un trocito de plomo bastan para perforar la cabeza del enemigo, ¿qué necesidad hay de organizar a la clase? Si tiene sentido aterrorizar a los altos funcionarios con el rugido de las explosiones, ¿qué necesidad hay de un partido? ¿Para qué hacer mítines, agitación de masas y elecciones si es tan fácil apuntar al banco ministerial desde la galería del parlamento?

Para nosotros el terror individual es inadmisible precisamente porque empequeñece el papel de las masas en su propia conciencia, las hace aceptar su impotencia y vuelve sus ojos y esperanzas hacia el gran vengador y libertador que algún día vendrá a cumplir su misión.

Los profetas anarquistas de la “propaganda por los hechos” pueden hablar hasta por los codos sobre la influencia estimulante que ejercen los actos terroristas sobre las masas. Las consideraciones teóricas y la experiencia política demuestran lo contrario. Cuanto más “efectivos” sean los actos terroristas, cuanto mayor sea su impacto, cuanto más se concentre la atención de las masas en ellos, más se reduce el interés de las masas en ellos, más se reduce el interés de las masas en organizarse y educarse.

Pero el humo de la explosión se disipa, el pánico desaparece, un sucesor ocupa el lugar del ministro asesinado, la vida vuelve a sus viejos cauces, la rueda de la explotación capitalista gira como antes: sólo la represión policial se vuelve más salvaje y abierta. El resultado es que el lugar de las esperanzas renovadas y de la excitación artificialmente provocada viene a ocuparlo la desilusión y la apatía.

Los esfuerzos de la reacción por poner fin a las huelgas y al movimiento obrero de masas han culminado, generalmente, siempre y en todas partes, en el fracaso. La sociedad capitalista necesita un proletariado activo, móvil e inteligente; no puede por tanto, tener al proletariado atado de pies y manos por mucho tiempo. En cambio la “propaganda por los hechos” de los anarquistas ha demostrado cada vez que el Estado es mucho más rico en medios de destrucción física y represión mecánica que todos los grupos terroristas juntos.

Si esto es así, ¿qué pasa con la revolución? ¿Queda negada o imposibilitada? De ninguna manera. La revolución no es una simple suma de medios mecánicos. La revolución sólo puede surgir de la agudización de la lucha de clases, su victoria la garantiza sólo la función social del proletariado. La huelga política de masas, la insurrección armada, la conquista del poder estatal; todo está determinado por el grado de desarrollo de la producción, la alineación de las fuerzas de clase, el peso social del proletariado y, por último, por la composición social del ejército, puesto que son las fuerzas armadas el factor que decide el problema del poder en el momento de la revolución.

La socialdemocracia es lo bastante realista como para no desconocer la revolución que está surgiendo de las circunstancias históricas actuales; por el contrario, va al encuentro de la revolución con los ojos bien abiertos. Pero, a diferencia de los anarquistas y en lucha abierta con ellos, la socialdemocracia rechaza todos los métodos y medios cuyo objetivo sea forzar el desarrollo de la sociedad artificialmente y sustituir la insuficiente fuerza revolucionaria del proletariado con preparaciones químicas.

Antes de elevarse a la categoría de método para la lucha política el terrorismo hace su aparición bajo la forma del acto individual de la venganza. Así fue en Rusia, patria del terrorismo. Los azotes a los presos políticos llevaron a Vera Zasulich a expresar el sentimiento de indignación general con un atentado contra el general Trepov. [1] Su ejemplo cundió entre la intelectualidad revolucionaria, desprovista del apoyo de las masas. Lo que comenzó como un acto de venganza perpetrado en forma inconsciente fue elevado a todo un sistema en 1879-1881. [2] Las oleadas de atentados anarquistas en Europa Occidental y América del Norte siempre se producen después de alguna atrocidad cometida por el gobierno: fusilamientos de huelguistas o ejecuciones de la oposición política. La fuente psicológica más importante del terrorismo es siempre el sentimiento de venganza que busca una válvula de escape.

No hay necesidad de insistir en que la socialdemocracia nada tiene que ver con esos moralistas a sueldo que, en respuesta a cualquier acto terrorista, hablan solamente del “valor absoluto” de la vida humana. Son los mismos que en otras ocasiones, en nombre de otros valores absolutos -por ejemplo, el honor nacional o el prestigio del monarca- están dispuestos a llevar a millones de personas al infierno de la guerra. Hoy su héroe nacional es el ministro que da la orden de abrir fuego contra los obreros desarmados, en nombre del sagrado derecho a la propiedad privada; mañana, cuando la mano desesperada del obrero desocupado se crispe en un puño o recoja un arma, hablarán sandeces acerca de lo inadmisible de la violencia en cualquiera de sus formas.

Digan lo que digan los eunucos y fariseos morales, el sentimiento de venganza tiene sus derechos. Habla muy bien a favor de la moral de la clase obrera el no contemplar indiferente lo que ocurre en éste, el mejor de los mundos posibles. No extinguir el insatisfecho deseo proletario de venganza, sino, por el contrario, avivarlo una y otra vez, profundizarlo, dirigirlo contra la verdadera causa de la injusticia y la bajeza humanas: tal es la tarea de la socialdemocracia.

Nos oponemos a los atentados terroristas porque la venganza individual no nos satisface. La cuenta que nos debe saldar el sistema capitalista es demasiado elevada como para presentársela a un funcionario llamado ministro. Aprender a considerar los crímenes contra la humanidad, todas las humillaciones a que se ven sometidos el cuerpo y el espíritu humanos, como excrecencias y expresiones del sistema social imperante, para empeñar todas nuestras energías en una lucha colectiva contra este sistema: ése es el cauce en el que el ardiente deseo de venganza puede encontrar su mayor satisfacción moral.

LA BANCARROTA DEL TERRORISMO

[Este es un extracto del artículo titulado “El colapso del terror y desu partido (Acerca del caso Azef)” publicado originalmente en el periódico polaco Przeglad Socyal-demokratyczny en mayo de 1909.]

[Se trata de un análisis de las sensacionales revelaciones acerca de Evno Azef, alto dirigente de la Organización de Combate, brazo terrorista del Partido Social Revolucionario.A principios de 1909 se reveló que Azef era agente de la policía secreta zarista. En el curso de su trabajo como provocador, Azef llegó a ser responsable del asesinato del ministro cuyo departamento lo había contratado. (Los dos tercio srestantes de este artículo aparecen en The Militant del 1º de febrero de 1974.)]

Durante todo un mes, la atención de toda persona capaz de leer y reflexionar ha estado dirigida hacia el caso Azef, tanto en Rusia como en el resto del mundo. Todos conocen el “caso” a través de la prensa legal y las crónicas parlamentarias, por el pedido de interpelación sobre Azef presentado por algunos diputados en la Duma.

AhoraAzef ha tenido el tiempo necesario para pasar a la trastienda. Su nombre aparece cada vez menos. Sin embargo, antes de relegar a Azef al basural de la historia de una vez por todas, creemos necesario resumir las principales lecciones políticas, no en lo que hace a las maquinaciones tipo Azef en sí, sino con respecto al terrorismo en su conjunto, y a la actitud que mantienen hacia el mismo los principales partidos políticos del país.

El terror como método para la revolución política es nuestro aporte “nacional” ruso.

Por supuesto que el asesinato de “tiranos” es casi tan antiguo como la institución de la “tiranía”, y los poetas de todas las épocas le han cantado más de una loa a la daga libertadora.

Pero el terror sistemático, que asume la tarea de eliminar a sátrapa tras sátrapa, ministro tras ministro, monarca tras monarca -“Sashka tras Sashka” (Diminutivo aplicado a los zares Alejandro II y Alejandro III. [N. Del T.]) como formulara familiarmente el programa del terrorismo un militante de Narodnaia Volia en 1880- esta clase de terror, que se ajusta a la jerarquía burocrática del absolutismo y crea su propia burocracia revolucionaria, es producto de los singulares poderes creadores de la intelectualidad rusa.

Desde luego, deben existir profundas razones para esto. Debemos buscarlas, primero en la naturaleza de la autocracia rusa, y luego en la naturaleza de la intelectualidad rusa.

Para que la idea misma de destruir el absolutismo por medios mecánicos pudiese difundirse, el aparato estatal hubo de aparecer como un simple órgano de coerción externo, sin raíces en la organización social. Y ésa es, precisamente, la forma que asumió la autocracia rusa a ojos de la intelectualidad revolucionaria.

Esta ilusión poseía un fundamento histórico propio. El zarismo se formó bajo la presión de los estados culturalmente más adelantados de Occidente. Para poder competir, debía desangrar a las masa populares y moverles así el piso a las propias clases privilegiadas. Estas clases no pudieron alcanzar el nivel político de sus similares de Occidente.

A ello se agregó, en el siglo XIX, la fuerte presión de la Bolsa de Comercio europea. Cuanto mayores eran las sumas que ésta le prestaba al régimen zarista, menos dependía éste de las relaciones económicas internas.

El capital europeo le permitió armarse de tecnología europea, convirtiéndolo así en una organización (relativamente, desde luego) “autosuficiente”, ubicada por encima de todas las clases sociales.

Semejante situación naturalmente podía dar surgimiento a la idea de hacer volar esta superestructura foránea con dinamita. La intelectualidad se sintió llamada a realizar esta tarea. Al igual que el Estado, la intelectualidad habíase desarrollado bajo la presión directa e inmediata de Occidente; al igual que su enemigo el Estado, se adelantó al nivel de desarrollo económico del país: el Estado, tecnológicamente; laintelectualidad, ideológicamente.

Mientras que en las viejas sociedades burguesas europeas las ideas revolucionarias se desarrollaron más o menos a la par de las grandes fuerzas revolucionarias, en Rusia los intelectuales tuvieron acceso a la cultura y política prefabricada de Occidente; su pensamiento sufrió una revolución antes de que el desarrollo económico del país hubiese dado surgimiento a clases revolucionarias serias en las cuales apoyarse.

En estas circunstancias, nada les quedaba a los intelectuales sino multiplicar su ardor revolucionario con el poder explosivo de la nitroglicerina. Así surgió el terrorismo clásico de Narodnaia Volia.

Alcanzó su cenit en dos o tres años y luego quedó rápidamente reducida a la nada, habiendo consumido en sus fogosas luchas todas las reservas de combate que la intelectualidad, numéricamente débil, era capaz de proveer.

El terror de los socialrevolucionarios fue en gran medida producto de los mismos factores históricos: por un lado, el despotismo “autosuficiente” del estado ruso; por otro, la “autosuficiente” intelectualidad rusa.

Pero dos décadas no habían transcurrido en vano, y cuando aparece la segunda oleada de terroristas, lo hacen como epígonos, con el sello “perimidos por historia”.

La época del “Sturm und Drang” (tormenta y tensión) capitalista de las décadas 1880-1890 dieron nacimiento y permitieron la consolidación de un gran proletariado industrial, afectando seriamente el aislamiento económico del campo y ligándolo más estrechamente a la fábrica y la ciudad.

Detrás de Narodnaia Volia no había realmente una clase revolucionaria. Los socialrevolucionarios simplemente no querían ver al proletariado industrial; al menos, no fueron capaces de apreciar su significación histórica.

Por supuesto, sería fácil juntar una docena de citas de la literatura socialrevolucionaria para demostrar que ellos no plantean hacer terrorismo en lugar de la lucha de masas, sino junto a las mismas. Pero éstas sólo atestiguan la lucha que los ideólogos del terror han debido librar contra los marxistas, ideólogos de la lucha de masas.

Ello no cambia las cosas. El trabajo terrorista, por su propia esencia, exige tal concentración de energías para el “gran momento”, tal sobreestimación de la significación del heroísmo individual y, por último, una conspiración tan hermética que -psicológica si no lógicamente- excluye totalmente el trabajo organizativo y la agitación entre las masas.

Para los terroristas, no existen más que dos focos centrales en el terreno político: el gobierno y la Organización de Combate. “El gobierno está dispuesto a aceptar temporalmente la existencia de todas las demás corrientes -escribía Gershuni [uno de los fundadores de la Organización de combate de los socialrevoluconarios] a sus camaradas en momentos en que pendía sobre él una sentencia de muerte-, pero ha decidido dirigir todos sus golpes hacia la destrucción del PartidoSocial Revolucionario.”

“Confío sinceramente -decía Kaliaev [otro terrorista socialrevolucionario]-, en que nuestra generación, dirigida por la Organización de Combate, liquidará la autocracia.”

Todo lo que queda afuera del marco del terror no es más que la puesta en escena para la lucha; en el mejor de los casos, un medio auxiliar. Con el fogonazo enceguecedor de las bombas que explotan, los contornos de los partidos políticos y las líneas divisorias entre las clases en lucha desaparecen sin dejar rastros.

Y escuchamos la voz de Gershuni, el mayor de los románticos y el mejor activista del nuevo terrorismo, instando a sus camaradas a “evitar una ruptura no solo con las filas revolucionarias, sino también con los partidos de oposición en general”.

“No en lugar de las masas, sino junto con ellas.” El terrorismo, empero, es una forma de lucha demasiado “absoluta” como para contentarse con un papel limitado y subordinado dentro del partido.

Engendrado por la falta de una clase revolucionaria, resucitado luego por la falta de confianza en las masas revolucionarias, el terrorismo puede subsistir solamente si explota las debilidades y falta de organización de las masas, si minimiza sus conquistas y exagera sus derrotas.

“Ven que es imposible, dada la naturaleza del armamento moderno, que las masas populares utilicen tridentes y palos -armas milenarias de defensa popular- para destruir las bastillas de los tiempos modernos”, dijo Jdanov, abogado defensor de los terroristas, durante el juicio de Kaliaev.

“Después del 9 de enero [3] comprendieron bien la situación; y respondieron a la ametralladora y al fusil de repetición con el revólver y la bomba; ésas son las barricadas del sigloXX.”

Los revólveres de los héroes en lugar de los palos y tridentes del pueblo; bombas en lugar de barricadas: tal es la verdadera fórmula del terrorismo.

Y sea cual fuere del papel subordinado que le asignan al terrorismo los teóricos “sintéticos” del partido, siempre ocupa, en los hechos, el sitio de honor. Y la Organización de Combate, colocada por la dirección del partido bajo el Comité Central, inevitablemente termina colocándose por encima del Comité Central, por encima del partido y todas sus tareas, hasta que el destino cruel coloca bajo el Departamento de Policía.

Y es precisamente por ello que la caída de la Organización de Combate, como resultado de la infiltración policial, significa inevitablemente la caída política del partido.

EL TERRORISMO Y EL RÉGIMEN STALINISTA EN LA UNIÓN SOVIÉTICA

[Para justificar el terror oficial desatado contra la oposición de izquierda trotskista -y prácticamente contra toda la vieja generación revolucionaria- en las sangrientas purgas de los años 30, Stalin y su aparato policial y judicial lo acusaron de conspiración y terrorismo antisoviéticos, incluyendo el sabotaje, asesinato, etcétera.]

[En el siguiente testimonio, pronunciado ante la “Comisión Internacional de Investigación de los Cargos pronunciados contra León Trotsky en el juicio de Moscú” el 17 de abril de 1937, Tortsky se refirió al trasfondo político de las acusaciones de Stalin contra la Oposición, explicando por qué los terroristas no podían siquiera pensar en recurrir al terror en la lucha contra la burocracia stalinista en la URSS.]

[Las referencias al asesinato de Kirov aluden a Sergio Kirov, dirigente del Partido Comunista de Leningrado, asesinado por Nikolaiev en diciembre de 1934. Nikolaiev había apoyado a Zinoviev en la Oposición conjunta de 1926-27. Su atentado terrorista fue utilizado para enjuiciar a Zinoviev, Kamenev y otros grandes dirigentes de la Revolución Rusa por complicidad con el asesinato. [4]]

Si el terror es factible para un bando, ¿porqué considerarlo vedado para el otro? Este razonamiento, seductoramente simétrico, es falso hasta la médula. No se puede colocar el terror de una dictadura contra su oposición en el mismo plano que el terror de la oposición contra la dictadura. Para la camarilla dominante, la preparación de asesinatos por intermedio de una corte o de una emboscada es lisa y llanamente un problema de técnica policial. En la eventualidad de un fracaso, siempre pueden sacrificarse algunos agentes de segunda categoría. Para la oposición, el terror supone la concentración de todas sus fuentes en la preparación de los atentados, sabiendo de antemano que cada atentado, tenga o no éxito, provocará la liquidación de decenas de sus mejores hombres. Una oposición no podría permitirse ese insensato despilfarro de sus fuerzas. Por esta razón y por ninguna otra, la Comintern no recurre a actos terroristas en los países donde imperan las dictaduras fascistas. La Oposición tiene tan poco interés en la política suicida como la Comintern.

Según la acusación, rayana en la ignorancia y la haraganería mental, los “trotskos” están decididos a liquidar al grupo dominante para abrirse el camino al poder. El filisteo corriente, sobre todo si lleva la chapa de “amigo de la URSS” razona de la siguiente manera: “La Oposición no puede sino luchar por el poder y debe, por tanto, odiar al grupo que lo detenta. ¿Por qué, entonces, no ha de recurrir al terrorismo?” En otros términos, para el filisteo la cuestión termina donde en realidad comienza. Los dirigentes de la Oposición no son advenedizos ni novatos. El problema no radica en si luchan o no por el poder. Toda tendencia política sería lucha por el poder. La pregunta es: ¿Podía la Oposición, educada por la enorme experiencia del movimiento revolucionario, creer por un solo instante que el terror es capaz de aproximarla al poder? La historia rusa, la teoría marxista y la psicología política responden: ¡No, no podía!

Aquí es necesario clarificar, aunque sea brevemente, el problema del terror desde el punto de vista de la historia y la teoría. En la medida en que se me tacha de iniciador del “terror antisoviético”, debo darle a mi exposición un carácter autobiográfico. En 1902, recién llegado a Londres, luego de casi cinco años de prisión y exilio en Siberia, tuve la ocasión, en un artículo recordatorio del bicentenario de la fortaleza de Schlusselburg, con sus trabajos forzados, de enumerar a lo revolucionarios muertos bajo al tortura en ese lugar. “Las sombras de esos mártires claman por la venganza…” Pero agregué inmediatamente: “Una venganza no personal sino revolucionaria. No la ejecución de un ministro sino la de la autocracia.” Esas líneas iban dirigidas contra el terror individual. Su autor tenía veintitrés años de edad. Desde los primeros días de su actividad revolucionaria ya era un adversario del terrorismo. De 1902 a 1905 pronuncié, en varia ciudades de Europa, ante estudiantes y emigrados rusos, decenas de informes políticos contra la ideología terrorista, que a comienzos de siglo volvía a cundir entre la juventud rusa.

A partir de la década de 1880, dos generaciones de marxistas rusos experimentaron la era del terror, aprendieron sus trágicas lecciones y asimilaron orgánicamente una actitud negativa hacia el aventurerismo heroico del individuo solitario. Plejanov, fundador del marxismo ruso; Lenin, dirigente del bolchevismo; Martov,máximo representante del menchevismo; todos ellos dedicaron miles de páginas y cientos de discursos a la lucha contra la táctica terrorista.

La inspiración ideológica proveniente de estos maestros del marxismo alimentó mi actitud hacia la alquimia revolucionaria de los círculos intelectuales cerrados durante mi adolescencia. Para nosotros, los revolucionarios rusos, el problema del terror era una cuestión de vida o muerte en el sentido tanto político como personal del término. Para nosotros, el terrorista no era un personaje novelesco sino un ser humano viviente y familiar. En el exilio convivimos con los terroristas de la vieja generación. En las cárceles y bajo la custodia policial conocimos terroristas de nuestra misma edad. Nos enviábamos mensajes, en la fortaleza de Pedro y Pablo, con los terroristas condenados a muerte. ¡Cuántas horas, cuantos días, invertimos en apasionada discusión! ¡Cuántas veces rompimos relaciones personales por esta cuestión tan candente! La literatura rusa sobre el tema, alimentada por estos debates, llenaría una gran biblioteca.

Las explosiones terroristas aisladas son inevitables allí donde la oposición política traspasa ciertas fronteras. Semejantes actos tienen casi siempre un carácter sintomático. Pero la política que consagra al terror, la que lo eleva a la categoría de sistema, eso es otra cosa. “El trabajo terrorista -escribí en 1909-, por su propia esencia, requiere tal concentración de energías para el ‘gran momento’, tal sobreestimación de la significación del heroísmo personal y, por último, una conspiración tan hermética que […] excluye totalmente el trabajo organizativo y de agitación entre las masas […]. Al luchar contra el terrorismo, la intelectualidad marxista defendió su derecho o su deber de no salir de los barrios obreros para cavar túneles bajo los palacios de los zares o grandes duques”. Es imposible engañar a la historia. A la larga la historia coloca a cada cual en su lugar. La característica fundamental del terrorismo como sistema es que busca compensar su falta de fuerza política mediante compuestos químicos. Existen, desde luego, circunstancias en que el terror puede sembrar la confusión entre las filas gobernantes. Pero, en ese caso, ¿quién puede cosechar los frutos? No la organización terrorista, ni las masas a cuyas espaldas transcurre el duelo político. Así en su momento, los burgueses liberales rusos simpatizaron con el terrorismo. La razón es clara. En 1909 escribí: “En la medida en que el terror siembra la confusión y la desorganización en las filas del gobierno (al precio de desorganizar y desmoralizar las filas revolucionarias), les hace el juego nada menos que a los liberales”. Encontramos la misma idea, expresada en casi las mismas palabras, un cuarto de siglo más tarde en relación al asesinato de Kirov.

El hecho mismo de los actos terroristas individuales es señal inconfundible del atraso político de un país y de la debilidad de las fuerzas progresistas en el mismo. La Revolución de 1905, que reveló la fuerza inmensa del proletariado, puso fin al romanticismo del combate singular entre un puñado de intelectualesy el zarismo. “El terrorismo ruso ha muerto -reiteré en una serie de artículos- […]. El terror ha emigrado al Lejano Oriente, a las provincias de Punjab y Bengala […]. Puede que en otros países de Oriente el terrorismo esté destinadoa conocer una época floreciente. Pero en Rusia ya es parte de la herencia de la historia.”

En 1907 me encontré nuevamente en el exilio. El azote de la contrarrevolución se abatía salvajemente, y las comunidades rusas en las ciudades europeas se volvieron muy numerosas. Dediqué todo el período de mi segunda emigración a hacer informes y artículos contra el terror de la venganza y la desesperación. En 1909 se reveló que a la cabeza de la organización terrorista de los autotitulados “socialrevolucionarios” había un agente provocador, de nombre Azef. “En el callejón sin salida del terrorismo -escribí en enero de 1909- la mano del provocador actúa con seguridad”. El terrorismo sigue siendo para mí un “callejón sin salida”.

En el mismo periodo escribí: “La actitud irreconciliable de la socialdemocracia rusa para con el terror burocrático de la revolución como método de lucha contra la burocracia terrorista del zarismo ha suscitado el asombro y la condena, no solo de los liberales rusos sino también de los socialistas europeos”. Éstos,al igual que aquéllos, nos acusaron de “doctrinarismo”. Nosotros, los marxistas rusos, atribuimos esta simpatía hacia los terroristas rusos al oportunismo de los dirigentes de la socialdemocracia europea que se habían acostumbrado a transferir sus esperanzas de las masas a las cúpulas dominantes. “Quien quiera que ande al acecho de una cartera ministerial … lo mismo que aquellos que, portando una máquina infernal bajo la capa, acechan al propio ministro, deben sobreestimar por igual al ministro: a su personalidad y a su puesto. Para ellos el sistema desaparece y retrocede y sólo queda el individuo investido con el poder”. Más adelante veremos, en relación al asesinato de Kirov, cómo reaparece este pensamiento, que está presente en mis décadas de actividad.

En 1911 cundieron sentimientos terroristas entre ciertos grupos de obreros austríacos. A pedido de Federico Adler, editor de Der Kampf, mensuario teórico de la socialdemocracia austríaca, escribí un artículo a propósito del terrorismo:

Que un atentado terrorista, incluso uno “exitoso, cree la confusión en la clase dominante, depende de la situación política concreta. Sea como fuere, la confusión tendrá corta vida; el Estado capitalista no se basa en ministros de Estado y no queda eliminado con la desaparición de aquellos. Las clases a las que sirve siempre encontrarán personal de reemplazo; el mecanismo permanece intacto y en funcionamiento.

Pero el desorden que produce el atentado terrorista en las filas de la clase obrera es mucho mas profundo. Si para alcanzar los objetivos basta armarse con una pistola, ¿para qué sirve esforzarse en la lucha de clases? Si una medida de pólvora y un trocito de plomo bastan para perforar la cabeza del enemigo, ¿qué necesidad hay de organizar a la clase? Si tiene sentido aterrorizar a altos funcionarios con el rugido de las explosiones, ¿qué necesidad hay de un partido? ¿Para qué hacer mítines, agitación de masas y elecciones si es tan fácil apuntar al banco ministerial desde la galería del parlamento?

Para nosotros el terror individual es inadmisible precisamente porque empequeñece el papel de las masas en su propia conciencia, la hace aceptar su impotencia y vuelve sus ojos y esperanzas hacia el gran vengador y libertador que algún día vendrá a cumplir con misión.

Cinco años después, al calor de la guerra imperialista, Federico Adler, a cuyo pedido escribí este artículo, asesinó al ministro-presidente austríaco Stuergkh en un restaurante vienés. El escéptico oportunista heroico no pudo encontrar otra válvula para su indignación y desesperación. Naturalmente, mis simpatíasno estaban con el funcionario de los Habsburgo. Sin embargo, a la acción individualista de Adler contrapuse el accionar de Carlos Liebknecht, quien en plena época de guerra salió a una plaza de Berlín a distribuir un manifiesto revolucionario dirigido a los obreros.

El 28 de diciembre de 1934, cuatro semanas después del asesinato de Kiov, cuando el poder judicial soviético aun no sabía hacia que lado apuntar las flechas de su “justicia”, escribí en el Boletín de la Oposición:

[…] Si los marxistas han condenado categóricamente el terrorismo individual […] aun cuando las balas fueran dirigidas contra agentes del gobierno zarista y de la explotación capitalista, tanto más implacablemente condenarán y rechazarán el aventurerismo criminal de los actos terroristas dirigidos contra los representantes burocráticos del primer estado obrero de la historia. Las motivaciones subjetivas de Nikolaiev y Cía, nos son indiferentes. El camino del infierno está empedrado de buenas intenciones. Mientras la burocracia soviética no sea derrocada por el proletariado -lo que eventualmente ocurrirá- cumple una función necesaria en la defensa del estado obrero. En caso de cundir, el terrorismo al estilo Nikolaiev podría, si se dieran otras circunstancias desfavorables, servir sólo a la contrarrevolución fascista.

Sólo los farsantes políticos podrían tratar de incluir a Nikolaiev en la Oposición de Izquierda, aunque sólo fuera como miembro del grupo de Zinoviev tal como existía en 1926-1927. La organización terrorista de la juventud comunista no es alentada por la Oposición de Izquierda, sino por la burocracia, por su descomposición interna. El terrorismo individual es en esencia la otra cara del burocratismo. Los marxistas nos descubrieron esta ley recién ayer. El burocratismo no confía en las masas, y trata de sustituirlas. El terrorismo hace lo mismo; quiere hacer felices a las masas sin dejar las participar. La burocracia ha creado un repugnante culto al líder, otorgando a los dirigentes poderes divinos. El culto al “héroe” es también la religión del terrorismo, sólo que con un signo negativo. Los Nikolaiev imaginan que basta con eliminar con revólveres a unos cuantos dirigentes paraque la historia tome otro rumbo. En tanto que grupo ideológico, los terroristas comunistas están hechos con la misma madera que la burocracia stalinista. [No.41,de enero de 1935]

Como ustedes ya han podido convencerse, estas líneas no fueron escritas adhoc. Sintetizan la experiencia de toda una vida, enriquecida a su vez por la experiencia de dos generaciones.

Ya en la época del zarismo, un joven marxista que pasara a integrar las filas del partido terrorista era un fenómeno relativamente raro: lo suficiente como para que se lo señalara con el dedo. Pero en esa época se desarrollaba una polémica teórica incesante entre las dos tendencias; las discusiones públicas eran cosa de todos los días. Ahora, en cambio, quieren hacernos creer que no son los revolucionarios jóvenes sino los viejos dirigentes del marxismo ruso, que tienen tras de sí la experiencia de tres revoluciones, los que se han volcado repentinamente, sin crítica, sin discusión, sin una sola palabra de explicación, hacia el terrorismo que siempre rechazaron, por considerarlo un suicidio político oficial, y ni qué hablar de la justicia soviética. A las convicciones políticas logradas a través de la experiencia, selladas por la teoría, templadas al fuego de la historia de la humanidad, los falsificadores contraponen testimonios de fuentes sospechosas y desconocidas, rudimentarios, contradictorios y sin ninguna clase de prueba.

A FAVOR DE GRYNSZPAN: CONTRA LAS BANDAS FASCISTAS Y LA CANALLA STALINISTA

[Herschel Grynszpan asesinó a un funcionario nazi en la embajada alemanaen París el 7 de noviembre de 1938. En este artículo, aparecido por primera vez en la publicación estadounidense Socialist Appeal el 14 de febrero de 1939, Trotsky se solidariza con el heroísmo personal de Grynszpan, a la vez que señalala inutilidad de su acción.]

Resulta claro para cualquiera que posea siquiera mínimos conocimientos de historia política, que la política de los pandilleros fascistas provoca, abierta y a veces deliberadamente, actos terroristas. Lo más asombroso es que hasta ahora haya habido un solo Grynszpan. Indudablemente esos actos proliferarán.

Los marxistas consideramos que la táctica del terrorismo individual es inconveniente para la lucha liberadora, tanto del proletariado como de las nacionalidades oprimidas. Un héroe aislado no puede reemplazar a las masas. Pero comprendemos con toda claridad la inevitabilidad de semejantes actos de desesperación y venganza. Todas nuestras emociones, nuestra simpatía están con los sacrificados vengadores, aunque ellos hayan sido incapaces de descubrir el camino correcto. Nuestra simpatía es mayor porque Grynszpan no era un militante político sino un joven inexperto, casi un muchacho, cuyo único consejero fue la indignación. ¡Arrancar a Grynszpan de las manos de la justicia capitalista, capaz de decapitarlo para servir a la diplomacia capitalista, es la tarea elemental, inmediata, de la clase obrera internacional!

Tanto más repugnante en su policíaca estupidez e inconfesable violencia es la campaña contra Grynszpan de la prensa stalinista internacional, bajo las órdenes del Kremlin. Tratan de pintarlo como agente de los nazis. Al meter en una bolsa al provocador y a su víctima, los stalinistas atribuyen a Grynszpan la intención de crearle a Hitler un pretexto para sus pogromos. ¿Qué puede decirse de estos “periodistas” venales a quienes ya no les queda vestigio de pudor? Desde el inicio del movimiento socialista la burguesía a atribuido toda muestra violenta de indignación, sobre todos los actos terroristas, a la influencia degeneradora del marxismo. Aquí como en otros campos, los stalinistas han heredado las tradicionesmas sucias de la reacción. La Cuarta Internacional [5] puede enorgullecerse con toda razón de que la escoria reaccionaria, incluido el stalinismo, vincule a la Cuarta Internacional toda acción y protesta audaz, todo estallido de indignación, todo golpe dirigido contra los verdugos.

Así ocurría con la Internacional de Marx en su momento. La solidaridad moral nos une, desde luego, a Grynszpan, no a sus carceleros “democráticos” ni a los calumniadores stalinistas que necesitan el cadáver de Grynszpan para apuntalar, aunque sólo sea parcial e indirectamente, los veredictos de la Justicia moscovita. La diplomaciadel Kremlin, degenerada hasta la médula, trata al mismo tiempo de utilizar este incidente “feliz” para renovar sus maquinaciones tendientes a lograr un acuerdo internacional entre varios gobiernos, incluidos los de Hitler y Mussolini, para la extradición mutua de terroristas. ¡Cuidad maestros del engaño! La aplicaciónde semejantes ley requerirá la entrega de Stalin a por lo menos una docena de gobiernos extranjeros.

Los stalinistas gritan en los oídos de la policía que Grynszpan asistía a reuniones “trotskistas”. Lo cual desgraciadamente, no es cierto. Por que si se hubiese acercado a la Cuarta Internacional habría descubierto una válvula distinta y más efectiva para su energía revolucionaria. Personas capaces de clamar contra la injusticia y la brutalidad, las hay a montones. Pero aquéllos que, como Grynszpan, son capaces también de actuar, hasta el punto de sacrificar sus vidas si es necesario, son la preciosa levadura de la humanidad.

En el sentido moral, aunque no por su forma de actuar, Grynszpan puede servir de modelo para todo joven revolucionario. Nuestra sincera solidaridad moral con Grynszpan nos otorga el derecho de decirles a todos los futuros grinszpans; a todos aquellos capaces de sacrificarse en la lucha contra el despotismo y la bestialidad: ¡Buscad otro camino! No es el gran vengador sino sólo el gran movimiento revolucionario de masas el que puede liberar a los oprimidos, movimiento que no dejará vestigios de la estructura de explotación de clase, opresión nacional y persecución racial. Los crímenes sin precedentes del fascismo crean un deseo de venganza totalmente justificable. Pero es tan monstruosa la envergadura de estos crímenes, que no puede satisfacerse este deseo mediante el asesinato de burócratas fascistas aislados. Para ello es necesario poner en movimiento a millones, decenas y centenas de millones de oprimidos de todo el mundo y conducirlos al asalto de las fortalezas de la vieja sociedad. Sólo el derrocamiento de toda forma de esclavitud, solo la destrucción total del fascismo, sólo los pueblos juzgando implacablemente a los bandidos y matones contemporáneos pueden dar una verdadera satisfacción a la indignación popular. Esta es precisamente la tarea que ha asumido la Cuarta Internacional. Limpiará el movimiento obrero de la plaga del stalinismo. Reunirá en sus filas a la heroica generación juvenil. Abrirá el camino a un futuro más digno y humano.

EL TERRORISMO Y LOS ASESINATOS DE RASPUTÍN Y NICOLÁS II

[Este artículo está fechado el 14 de noviembre de 1938. La presente traducción se tomó de Writings of Leon Trotsky (1938-1939) (Escritos de León Trotsky), que Pathfinder editó con permiso de la Harvard College Library, Cambridge, EE.UU. Para más detalles sobre la ejecución de la familia real, véase Trotsky´s Diaryin Exile (Diario de Trotsky en el exilio), Harvard University Press, 1958; en las anotaciones de los días 9 y 10 de abril de 1935.]

Me preguntan qué papel personal desempeñé en el asesinato de Rasputín [6] y en la ejecución de Nicolás II. Dudo que este problema, ya que pertenece a la historia, pueda interesar a la prensa; trata de cosas que pasaron hace mucho.

Yo nada tuve que ver con el asesinato de Rasputín. Rasputín fue asesinado el 30 de diciembre de 1916. En ese momento mi esposa y yo nos hallábamos a bordo de un barco que había zarpado de España rumbo a Estados Unidos. Esta separación geográfica basta para demostrar que yo no tuve participación en el asunto.

Pero existen también razones políticas profundas. Los marxistas rusos no tenían nada en común con el terrorismo individual. Fueron los organizadores del movimiento revolucionario de masas. El asesinato de Rasputín fue, en realidad, obra de ciertos elementos que rodeaban la corte imperial. Participaron directamente en el asesinato, entre otros, el diputado ultrarreaccionario monárquico de laDuma [7] Urishkevich, el príncipe Yusupov, pariente de la familia real, y otras personas de esa calaña; parece que uno de los Grandes Duques, Dimitri Pavlovich, tuvo participación directa.

El propósito de los conspiradores era salvar la monarquía, liquidando a un “mal consejero”. El nuestro era liquidar a la monarquía junto con todos sus consejeros. Jamás nos ocupamos de aventuras de asesinatos individuales, sino de la tarea de preparar la revolución. Como es sabido, el asesinato de Rasputín no salvó a la monarquía; la revolución sobrevino apenas dos meses después.

La ejecución del zar fue otra cosa totalmente distinta. Ya el Gobierno Provisional [8] había arrestado a Nicolás II; lo mantuvo bajo custodia primero en Petrogrado, luego en Tobolsk. Pero Tobolsk es una ciudad pequeña, sin industria ni proletariado, y no era una residencia bastante segura para el zar; era de esperar que los contrarrevolucionarios intentaran rescatarlo para ponerlo a la cabeza de las Guardia Blancas [9]. Las autoridades soviéticas trasladaron al zar de Tobolsk a Ekaterinburgo (en los Urales), un importante centro industrial. Allí se le podía garantizar una custodia adecuada.

La familia real vivía en una casa particular y gozaba de ciertas libertades. Hubo una propuesta de hacerles al zar y a la zarina un juicio público, pero no properó. Mientras tanto, el curso de la guerra civil dispuso otra cosa.

Los Guardia Blancos rodearon Ekaterinburgo y podía esperarse que cayeran sobre la ciudad de un momento a otro. Su propósito fundamental era liberar a la familia imperial. En seas circunstancias el soviet local decidió ejecutar al zar y a su familia.

En ese momento yo me hallaba en otro sector del frente y, por extraño que parezca, me enteré de la ejecución una semana más tarde, si no más. En medio del torbellino de los acontecimientos, el hecho no me impresionó mayormente. Jamás me preocupé por averiguar “cómo” ocurrió. Debo agregar que demostrar un interés especial en los asuntos de realeza, gobernante o depuesta, evidencia cierto grado de instintos serviles. Durante la guerra civil, provocada especialmente por los capitalistas y terratenientes rusos con la colaboración del imperialismo extranjero, murieron cientos de miles de personas. Si entre ellos se encuentran los miembros de la dinastía Romanov, es imposible no ver en ello un pago parcial de los crímenes de la monarquía zarista. El pueblo mejicano, que fue muy duro con el Estado imperial de Maximiliano, posee una tradición al respecto que no deja nada que desear.[10]


NOTAS

[1] Vera Zasulich (1849-1919), perteneció a la dirección del Partido Socialdemócrata Ruso hasta 1903, en que éste se dividió en mencheviques y bolcheviques. Pasó entonces a la dirección de la fracción menchevique. El 24 de enero de 1878 atentó contra el jefe de policía, Trepov, por cuya orden un detenido había sido sometido a castigos corporales poco antes.

[2] Narodnaia Volia (Voluntad del Pueblo) era el partido de los narodniki (populistas), intelectuales rusos organizados para liberar a los campesinos con concepciones anarquistas y medios terroristas. Después del asesinato del Zar Alejandro II en 1881, la organización fue aplastada por el gobierno zarista.

[3] El 9 de enero de 1905 fu la masacre del “domingo sangriento” que marcó el comienzo de la Revolución Rusa de 1905.

[4] La Oposición de Izquierda se formó en 1923, a iniciativa de León Trotsky, como fracción del Partido Comunista Ruso para luchar contra la burocratización y por la vuelta a los principios de la democracia y el internacionalismo proletario. En 1926-1927 se formó un bloque con otros sectores que también pasaron a oponerse a Stalin. Uno de los dirigentes de la Oposición conjunta fue Grigori Zinoviev (1883-1936), que había ayudado a Stalin en su campaña contra los “trotskistas”. Juntamente con León Kamenev (1883-1936) formaron parte de la Oposición hasta que ésta fue derrotada en diciembre de 1927. Luego capitularon ante Stalin y fueron reincorporados al partido. En 1932 los expulsaron nuevamente, y los reincorporaron en 1933. En las parodias de juicios de Moscú de 1936 fueron condenados y ejecutados.

[5] En 1930 se formó la Oposición Internacional de Izquierda, como fracción de la Comintern, con el objetivo de hacerla retornar a los principios revolucionarios. Cuando el Partido Comunista Alemán dejó que Hitler tomara el poder sin mover un dedo, y la Comintern ni siquiera discutió la derrota, Trotsky decidió que la Comintern había muerto como movimiento revolucionario y que había que formar una nueva internacional. La conferencia de fundación de la Cuarta Internacional se llevó a cabo en París el 3 de septiembre de 1938.

[6] Grigori Rasputín (1871-1916), un monje proveniente de una familia de campesinos pobres, llegó a tener tal ascendiente sobre el zar y la zarina que se convirtió en la principal influencia en la política de la corte. Su ignorancia y corrupción fueron legendarias. Lo asesinó un grupo de nobles para sustraer a la familia real de su influencia.

[7] La Duma era el parlamento ruso en la época zarista.

[8] El Gobierno Provisional se estableció en Rusia con la Revolución de Febrero de 1917. El poder estaba en manos de los burgueses liberales (Partido Demócrata Constitucional o Cadete), mencheviques y socialrevolucionarios (populistas).

[9] Guardias Blancas, o “los blancos”, era el nombre que se les daba a las fuerzas contrarrevolucionarias rusas después de la Revolución de Octubre.

[10] Fernando Maximiliano José (1832-1867), Archiduque de Austria, fue coronado emperador de México en 1864, cuando Francia había conquistado parcialmente el país. Napoleón III debió retirar sus tropas por presión de los EE.UU. y Maximiliano fue derrotado por las fuerzas mexicanas de Juárez, juzgado por una corte marcial y fusilado.

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  294. Hi there! Do you know if they make any plugins to protect against hackers? I’m kinda paranoid about losing everything I’ve worked hard on. Any tips?

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  299. Today, I went to the beach with my kids. I found a sea shell and gave it to my 4 year old daughter and said “You can hear the ocean if you put this to your ear.” She placed the shell to her ear and screamed. There was a hermit crab inside and it pinched her ear. She never wants to go back! LoL I know this is totally off topic but I had to tell someone!

  300. Hey! This is kind of off topic but I need some advice from an established blog. Is it very difficult to set up your own blog? I’m not very techincal but I can figure things out pretty quick. I’m thinking about setting up my own but I’m not sure where to begin. Do you have any points or suggestions? Thanks

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